Rebel MEP pledges allegiance to the EPP

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The only thing that can be said about Edward McMillan-Scott’s political suicide is that it came after his death, writes Chris White.


The former Tory MEP was hung out to dry by his party leadership after he defied instructions and ran successfully for a vice-presidency of the European Parliament, against the approved candidate, Michael Kaminski.  At a press lunch in Brussels, he justified his defiance with an attack on the political character of Kaminski, and of his Law and Justice party.

He went on to outline his intention to campaign for human rights and democracy globally and especially in China.

The event, at which at least half the guests were consultants and propagandists, paid to promote the interests of the EU, coincided with an announcement by Google that they found state control of media and information to be “intolerable”. One attendee at the event, a young gentlemen representing a Chinese television agency, told this reporter that “we are independent – but censored”

Across the room were representatives of the EU’s Europarl TV, whose employees have also admitted to this reporter “we are independent – but censored”. Europral TV is costing the taxpayer €50 million. Just prior to the event, a parliament official told us - perhaps jokingly - "We are bringing all our viewers to the EP, on one bus!"

The political elite in Brussels appears to be living in what we might describe as a “virtual democracy”.



Rebel Conservative Edward McMillan-Scott, who defied his party's orders to join the European Conservative and Reformist Group (ECR) on terms of political incompatibility, may have publicly pledged his allegiance to the European People’s Party, but stopped short of crossing the floor to join former colleagues in the EPP Group, a move that had been widely anticipated, writes Cillian Donnelly..

Mr McMillan-Scott confirmed, before a selection of Brussels-based journalists, and others, that he would instead “work along side” the EPP, the most powerful group in the European Parliament, and former home to the UK Tories.

McMillan-Scott upset his colleagues by standing for a vice-presidency of the Parliament ahead of  the official group candidate, and now group leader, Michal Kaminski, whom he later branded as having “anti-Semitic, homophobic and racist links”.

Against official orders from his party leader in the UK, David Cameron, he instead opted to seek independent backing for nomination as one of the Parliament's 14 Vice-Presidents, which he secured after acquiring the required 40, cross-party, signatures.

Following this, the Conservatives sought to expel him from their ranks, forcing McMillan-Scott, a respected MEP with an admirable record in defending human rights, to sit with the non-attached members of Parliament.

The MEP for Yorkshire and Humber is currently fighting his expulsion from the party through the domestic High Court. McMillan-Scott has issued a statement insisting that this court case is about upholding the values of the next British government; a fair point, as most consider the Conservatives to be the next government-in-waiting.

But McMillan-Scott is embroiled in a debate that goes beyond domestic politics. Europe has traditionally been a sticky wicket for the Tories, and one which insiders agree David Cameron does not want to highlight ahead of the UK elections, which must happen in the first half of this year. In 1990, it proved to be the downfall of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.

It is difficult at the best of times for anyone, let alone a politician, to keep the EU on the agenda in any domestic election, but McMillan-Scott may have found a way. By ensuring an ongoing court case, which will likely last until election-time, he can legitimately keep the issue of the Tories attitudes to the EU on the agenda, with or without Cameron's backing: a court case is, after all, an independent process.

But what of Edward McMillan-Scott in the European Parliament? As a vastly experienced politician, he is, understandably, keeping his cards close to his chest. His natural home would be the EPP, and he has dismissed a return to the ECR. In addition to Kaminski, he has suggested other elements of the alliance would not be acceptable for him to sit with. Speculation has, therefore, been increasingly mounting that a return to his former home may be a possibility.

One thing that McMillan-Scott might have to give up, should he decide to stop “working alongside the EPP” and take the plunge and return wholeheartedly to the group, is the much-cherished vice-presidency.

It's a procedural interpretation, but when he was elected to that position, he did so officially under the auspices of the ECR. He has since been forced to join the NA, giving them a Vice President in their ranks.

Should he see fit to join the EPP, this important position may be open to challenge. Clause 13 of the rules of procedure states that the Vice Presidents “need to ensure an overall representation of Member States and political views”. Right now, the EPP have four VPs, in addition to President Jerzy Buzek, while the Socialist Group have 5, with a Presidency position available in January 2012, when election of VPs is also up for grabs.

An agreement between the two biggest groups might secure some sort of interim stability for McMillan-Scott, but come the next round of elections, he may find himself attacked form all sides; from the EPP, determined to guarantee the positions of their loyal servants, and the Socialists and Greens, who may have backed a rebel independent, but will obviously be restrained when forced back into group lines. Then there are those disgruntled ECR members who will interpret rule 13 as being something that upholds their own rights to representation of political views.

That is, of course, if the ECR still exists in 2014.